Levi-Strauss, Claude. Structural Anthropology, Volume H. Trans. Monique Layton.
Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1976.
In the original Structural Anthropology, Levi-Strauss argues that many systems of communication. such as kinship, myth, and economics can be analyzed using the structuralist method. He proposes that an analogy can be drawn between language and culture because both are constructed of oppositions, correlations, and logical relations.
Claude Levi-Strauss is widely viewed as the chief leader among critics who 'view structuralism as an interdisciplinary, international theoretical movement. His best known contributions are to the studies of the economics of kinship systems, the structural analysis of myth and of "primitive" knowledge and aesthetics. As a theorist, he changed the relationship between anthropology and linguistics by treating linguistics as a theoretical framework for anthropological inquiry, rather than using it only as a descriptive fieldwork tool.
The second book brings together texts from Levi-Strauss that enable a reader to get a "bird's eye view" of the problems of modern cultures through their historical development and to be introduced to the way structural anthropology tackles these problems and attempts to solve them. Many of the articles were written both before and after the publication of the first book in 1957. The eighteen essays have been selected and ordered to look at the problems but also serve as an introduction to the methods of structural anthropology and a look at the theories of Levi-Strauss.
Part One looks at the past by defining the field of anthropology and the future by putting into perspective the questions proposed. It looks at the origin, scope, and future of social and cultural anthropology. Part Two looks at examples that might help to overcome some theoretical and practical difficulties related to social organization and attitudes linked to kinship systems. It presents two important essays on kinship: "The Meaning and Use of the Notion of Model" and "Reflections on the Atom of Kinship."
Part three looks at mythology and ritual and a theoretical attempt to distinguish between structuralism and formalism. Concrete examples are used to show that variants of one or several myths that can appear different can be reduced to many stages of the same group of transformations, as can the corresponding rituals among the same or among different peoples. He also illustrates the way a myth can decline into legendary tradition, romantic narrative, or political ideology. It also contains the important essays, "The Story of Asdiwal." and "How Myths Die."
Part Four reviews the various problems which contemporary societies face in many areas: literature, fine arts, and urban life. He stresses the humanistic dimension of cultural anthropology. Attention is given to the organization of research and teaching in the human and social sciences and to obstacles against progress. The essay "Race and History" was first published in 1952. The wide prospective of the essay examines the relations between race and history, on one hand, and the question. of nature, and the meaning of progress on the other.
According to Levi-Strauss, the most often used objection to structural anthropology is that its hypothesis cannot be "falsified." He feels that this is not a justifiable criticism since anthropology itself is not an established science. Since anthropology is a human science, he doubts that the criterion of "falsifiability" can be applied to it. With human sciences, there is no discussion about the validity of various hypotheses. Man who studies himself as he practices human sciences will allow his preferences and prejudices to interfere in the way that he defines himself to himself. Philosophical choices, not scientific decisions, will prevent falsification of hypotheses of human sciences. In the study of human sciences, a hypothesis only possesses a relative value if it can account for more facts than the ideas that it replaces.
Levi-Strauss’ essay "Race and Theory" states that cumulative history is caused by the behavior of races and cultures rather than from their nature. It demonstrates a way of life in the cultures, a way of being together. Cumulative history characterizes social organisms made up of groups of societies. Static history resembles an inferior life which relates to isolated societies. Aloneness can afflict a human group preventing it from completely fulfilling its nature. In the author's view, civilization implies a coexistence of cultures offering a maximum of diversity. World civilization is a coalition of cultures, each preserving its originality.
Levi-Strauss feels that all cultural progress is a function of a coalition among the cultures. The societies put together the chances that are meet by each culture in its historical development. This coalition is more productive when it exists among more diversified cultures. In fulfilling diversity requirements to bring about progress, a blending of resources occurs. Over time, since diversity is important, chances of success become less. However, there seems to be two remedies.
The first remedy is for each society to create contrasting features. Each society is composed of a coalition of Groups—religious, professional, and economic, and the social stake is made up of the stakes of all these elements. The example of capitalism and social inequalities demonstrate this solution.
The second remedy consists of introducing, haphazardly, new external partners into the coalition. These stakes would be very different from those characterized by the initial association similar to imperialism and colonialism. In both cases, the remedies enlarge the coalition, either by internal diversification or through the inclusion of new partners. The aim is always to return to the complexity and diversity of the initial situation by increasing the number of players.
Exploitation exists only within a coalition. Contacts and exchanges are produced between dominating and dominated groups. They join their stakes and reduce their differences thus allowing social improvements and the gradual accession of colonized peoples to independence. A third solution would be the appearance of antagonistic political and social powers in the world. Men must collaborate to bring about progress. The collaboration causes a pooling of contributions whose initial diversity made the collaboration necessary.
According to Levi-Strauss, the existing institutions must join mankind and make the regeneration of the extinct diversities as safe as possible. Although they can infect the international body, they must assist the birth of other forms of adaptation. However, these new forms cannot simply reproduce the old forms, but must improve them. Mankind must promote unification while maintaining diversification. The importance of preserving the diversity of cultures is, to Levi-Strauss, the continuation of a dynamic attitude of understanding and promotion of a contribution to a greater generosity of others.
Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1976.
In the original Structural Anthropology, Levi-Strauss argues that many systems of communication. such as kinship, myth, and economics can be analyzed using the structuralist method. He proposes that an analogy can be drawn between language and culture because both are constructed of oppositions, correlations, and logical relations.
Claude Levi-Strauss is widely viewed as the chief leader among critics who 'view structuralism as an interdisciplinary, international theoretical movement. His best known contributions are to the studies of the economics of kinship systems, the structural analysis of myth and of "primitive" knowledge and aesthetics. As a theorist, he changed the relationship between anthropology and linguistics by treating linguistics as a theoretical framework for anthropological inquiry, rather than using it only as a descriptive fieldwork tool.
The second book brings together texts from Levi-Strauss that enable a reader to get a "bird's eye view" of the problems of modern cultures through their historical development and to be introduced to the way structural anthropology tackles these problems and attempts to solve them. Many of the articles were written both before and after the publication of the first book in 1957. The eighteen essays have been selected and ordered to look at the problems but also serve as an introduction to the methods of structural anthropology and a look at the theories of Levi-Strauss.
Part One looks at the past by defining the field of anthropology and the future by putting into perspective the questions proposed. It looks at the origin, scope, and future of social and cultural anthropology. Part Two looks at examples that might help to overcome some theoretical and practical difficulties related to social organization and attitudes linked to kinship systems. It presents two important essays on kinship: "The Meaning and Use of the Notion of Model" and "Reflections on the Atom of Kinship."
Part three looks at mythology and ritual and a theoretical attempt to distinguish between structuralism and formalism. Concrete examples are used to show that variants of one or several myths that can appear different can be reduced to many stages of the same group of transformations, as can the corresponding rituals among the same or among different peoples. He also illustrates the way a myth can decline into legendary tradition, romantic narrative, or political ideology. It also contains the important essays, "The Story of Asdiwal." and "How Myths Die."
Part Four reviews the various problems which contemporary societies face in many areas: literature, fine arts, and urban life. He stresses the humanistic dimension of cultural anthropology. Attention is given to the organization of research and teaching in the human and social sciences and to obstacles against progress. The essay "Race and History" was first published in 1952. The wide prospective of the essay examines the relations between race and history, on one hand, and the question. of nature, and the meaning of progress on the other.
According to Levi-Strauss, the most often used objection to structural anthropology is that its hypothesis cannot be "falsified." He feels that this is not a justifiable criticism since anthropology itself is not an established science. Since anthropology is a human science, he doubts that the criterion of "falsifiability" can be applied to it. With human sciences, there is no discussion about the validity of various hypotheses. Man who studies himself as he practices human sciences will allow his preferences and prejudices to interfere in the way that he defines himself to himself. Philosophical choices, not scientific decisions, will prevent falsification of hypotheses of human sciences. In the study of human sciences, a hypothesis only possesses a relative value if it can account for more facts than the ideas that it replaces.
Levi-Strauss’ essay "Race and Theory" states that cumulative history is caused by the behavior of races and cultures rather than from their nature. It demonstrates a way of life in the cultures, a way of being together. Cumulative history characterizes social organisms made up of groups of societies. Static history resembles an inferior life which relates to isolated societies. Aloneness can afflict a human group preventing it from completely fulfilling its nature. In the author's view, civilization implies a coexistence of cultures offering a maximum of diversity. World civilization is a coalition of cultures, each preserving its originality.
Levi-Strauss feels that all cultural progress is a function of a coalition among the cultures. The societies put together the chances that are meet by each culture in its historical development. This coalition is more productive when it exists among more diversified cultures. In fulfilling diversity requirements to bring about progress, a blending of resources occurs. Over time, since diversity is important, chances of success become less. However, there seems to be two remedies.
The first remedy is for each society to create contrasting features. Each society is composed of a coalition of Groups—religious, professional, and economic, and the social stake is made up of the stakes of all these elements. The example of capitalism and social inequalities demonstrate this solution.
The second remedy consists of introducing, haphazardly, new external partners into the coalition. These stakes would be very different from those characterized by the initial association similar to imperialism and colonialism. In both cases, the remedies enlarge the coalition, either by internal diversification or through the inclusion of new partners. The aim is always to return to the complexity and diversity of the initial situation by increasing the number of players.
Exploitation exists only within a coalition. Contacts and exchanges are produced between dominating and dominated groups. They join their stakes and reduce their differences thus allowing social improvements and the gradual accession of colonized peoples to independence. A third solution would be the appearance of antagonistic political and social powers in the world. Men must collaborate to bring about progress. The collaboration causes a pooling of contributions whose initial diversity made the collaboration necessary.
According to Levi-Strauss, the existing institutions must join mankind and make the regeneration of the extinct diversities as safe as possible. Although they can infect the international body, they must assist the birth of other forms of adaptation. However, these new forms cannot simply reproduce the old forms, but must improve them. Mankind must promote unification while maintaining diversification. The importance of preserving the diversity of cultures is, to Levi-Strauss, the continuation of a dynamic attitude of understanding and promotion of a contribution to a greater generosity of others.
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